Strengthening Canada’s Fight Against Foreign Bribery

February 5, 2013 from  Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada

February 5, 2013 Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird today announced that the Harper government is taking further steps to combat corruption and bribery by tabling amendments to the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act in the Senate. He delivered the following remarks in Ottawa:

“Our government’s top priority is securing jobs, growth and long-term prosperity. In our international dealings, this takes many forms.

“It involves positioning Canada as a reliable supplier of the resources emerging markets need to grow.

“It involves pursuing an aggressive, pro-trade agenda.

“It involves creating the conditions for Canadian businesses to succeed.

“But our government also expects Canadian business to play by the rules.

“Canadian companies can compete with the best and win fairly.

“To signal our commitment and our expectation that other countries do the same, I am pleased to announce that our government is redoubling our fight against bribery and corruption.

“Today, reforms are being introduced in the Senate that will further deter and prevent Canadian companies from bribing foreign public officials. These amendments will help ensure that Canadian companies continue to act in good faith in the pursuit of freer markets and expanded global trade.

“Canada is a trading nation. Our economy and future prosperity depend upon expanding our trade ties with the world. This, we hope, is a good faith sign that Canada’s good name retains its currency.”

Backgrounder – The Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act

The Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act (CFPOA) makes it a criminal offence in Canada for persons or companies to bribe foreign public officials to obtain or retain an advantage in the course of international business. The act was created as a result of Canada’s obligations under the Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD’s) Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions, which Canada ratified in 1998. The CFPOA is also the implementing legislation for Canada’s anti-corruption obligations under the United Nations Convention against Corruption and Inter-American Convention against Corruption.

In 2008, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) established the International Anti-Corruption Unit, which is dedicated to raising awareness about and enforcing the CFPOA. To date, three companies have been convicted under the act, two cases are pending and there are 35 ongoing investigations under the CFPOA.

The proposed amendments to the act include the following:

• Nationality jurisdiction: This amendment will make it easier for Canada to prosecute Canadians or Canadian companies for bribery in other countries, insofar as it will allow the Government of Canada to exercise jurisdiction over all persons or companies that have Canadian nationality, regardless of where the alleged bribery has taken place.
• Eventual elimination of facilitation payments: The act currently states that payments made to expedite or secure the performance by a foreign public official of any act of a routine nature that is part of the foreign public official’s duties or functions do not constitute bribes. This amendment will eliminate the exception for facilitation payments and will come into effect at a later date to be set by Cabinet.
• Exclusive ability to lay charges: This amendment will provide exclusive authority to the RCMP to lay charges under the act.
• Clarifying the definition of “business”: This amendment removes the words “for profit” in the definition of business to ensure that the act applies to all business, regardless of whether profit is made.
• Increasing the maximum penalty: Under the act, the foreign bribery offence is currently punishable by a maximum of five years’ imprisonment and unlimited fines. This amendment will increase the maximum jail term to 14 years.

• Books and records offence: This amendment adds a new books and records of account offence into the act that is restricted in scope to the bribery of foreign public officials or hiding such bribery. This offence will now be punishable by a maximum of 14 years’ imprisonment and unlimited fines.

To date, there have been three convictions under the CFPOA:

• Griffiths Energy International Inc. – Griffiths Energy International Inc., based in Calgary, Alberta, pleaded guilty on January 22, 2013, to a charge under the CFPOA related to securing an oil and gas contract in Chad. Griffiths acknowledged having committed to paying $2 million in cash and millions in shares in exchange for exclusive access to resources in two regions. After providing the Chad government with a $40 million signing bonus, Griffiths was awarded the resources rights. Griffiths will pay a total penalty of $10.35 million.
• Niko Resources Ltd. – Niko Resources Ltd. is a publicly traded company based in Calgary, Alberta. On June 24, 2011, the company entered a guilty plea for one count of bribery. The company admitted that, through its subsidiary Niko Bangladesh, it provided the use of a vehicle (valued at $190,984) in May 2005 to AKM Mosharraf Hossain, then the Bangladeshi State Minister for Energy and Mineral Resources, in order to influence the minister in his dealings with Niko Bangladesh. In June 2005, Niko Resources Ltd. paid travel and accommodation expenses for the same minister to travel from Bangladesh to Calgary to attend the GO EXPO oil and gas exposition, and paid approximately $5,000 for the minister to travel to New York and Chicago to visit his family.
• As a result of the conviction, Niko Resources Ltd. was fined $9.5 million and placed under a probation order, which puts the company under the court’s supervision for three years to ensure that audits are completed to examine the company’s compliance with the CFPOA. The Canadian Trade Commissioner Service has placed a hold on providing services to Niko during the period of court supervision.
• Hydro-Kleen Group Inc. – Hydro-Kleen Group Inc., based out of Red Deer, Alberta, entered a guilty plea on January 10, 2005, to one count of bribery and was ordered to pay a fine of $25,000. Along with its president and an employee, the company had been charged with two counts of bribing a U.S. immigration officer who worked at the Calgary International Airport. The charges against the director and the officer of the company were stayed. The U.S. immigration officer pleaded guilty in July 2002 to accepting secret commissions. He received a six-month sentence and was subsequently deported to the United States.

For more information, see the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act and Canada’s Fight against Foreign Bribery.

Source: Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada sugestão de Gabriela Alves Guimarães

Picture source: Google Picture search

Estratégia Nacional de Combate à Corrupção e à Lavagem de Dinheiro completa 10 anos

Por José Eduardo Cardozo e Paulo Abrão do Correio Braziliense (3/02/2013

Este mês de janeiro entrou em funcionamento um mecanismo coordenado pelo Conselho Nacional de Justiça para a interligação dos cartórios de notas informatizados com a possibilidade de acesso direto de órgãos do poder público a informações e dados correspondentes ao serviço notarial. Trata-se de mais uma ação prioritária da Estratégia Nacional de Combate à Corrupção e à Lavagem de Dinheiro (ENCCLA) que inaugura este ano o ciclo comemorativo de 10 anos de existência como um dos instrumentos mais relevantes de que dispõem o Estado e a sociedade brasileira no enfrentamento a estes crimes.

Concebida em 2003 durante o Governo Lula, a ENCCLA inseriu o tema da lavagem de dinheiro na agenda nacional e, passada uma década, a matéria se mantém como objeto de preocupação das autoridades nacionais e estrangeiras.

Não poderia ser diferente. É realmente espantoso observar o poder econômico acumulado pelas organizações criminosas, que, em decorrência da alta margem de lucro que envolve suas atividades, conseguem se perpetuar no tempo e se capilarizar geográfica e institucionalmente.

Graças, contudo, a uma nova cultura institucional que se difundiu a partir da criação da ENCCLA, hoje se tem maior consciência de que o verdadeiro combate ao crime organizado e à corrupção passa necessariamente por uma atuação do Estado focada no estrangulamento dos ativos ilícitos que financiam o crime organizado e, que, além de tudo, são extremamente nocivos ao sistema financeiro, ao comércio internacional e à economia mundial.

A corrupção impossibilita a igualdade efetiva de participação dos cidadãos nas decisões públicas e, sob o ponto de vista da Administração, enfraquece a força institucional do Estado na medida em que promove o desvio da capacidade pública para atender a interesses privados. Ainda, como efeito mais nefasto, a corrupção afeta a legitimidade do regime democrático perante a sociedade, que deixa de apoiar as instituições por identificar nestas a prática de condutas ilícitas.

Através da formação de uma rede de atores multidisciplinares composta por mais de sessenta órgãos a ENCCLA compreende todas as fases de atuação do Estado, desde a prevenção, fiscalização, controle, investigação e persecução. E a Estratégia tem gerado um modelo bem sucedido de articulação estatal e constituição de um espaço permanente de integração para o Brasil formular políticas públicas de cunho verdadeiramente estratégico, afastando as atuações isoladas ou casuísticas, muitas vezes duplicadas ou incoerentes, as quais têm lugar quando o país não está organizado no enfrentamento a esses crimes.

São inúmeras as conquistas articuladas pela ENCCLA neste tempo, para muito além das operações repressivas como por exemplo: a criação do Programa Nacional de Capacitação e Treinamento para o Combate à Corrupção e à Lavagem de Dinheiro, a implementação do Cadastro Nacional de Clientes do Sistema Financeiro, a criação do Laboratório de Tecnologia contra a Lavagem de Dinheiro viabilizando a interrupção do fluxo financeiro das organizações criminosas, a criação das Delegacias Especializadas em Crimes Financeiros, a estruturação do Grupo Nacional de Combate às Organizações Criminosas, no âmbito dos Ministérios Públicos Estaduais, a recuperação de ativos e o ressarcimento ao erário; a criação de diversas bases de dados tais como o Cadastro Nacional de Entidades, o Cadastro de Entidades Inidôneas e Suspeitas, o Cadastro Nacional de Condenações Cíveis por Ato de Improbidade Administrativa, o Sistema Nacional de Bens Apreendidos, além de diversas propostas legislativas, merecendo destaque a recente mudança da Lei de Lavagem de Dinheiro, que colocou o Brasil no mesmo patamar de legislação dos países que melhor combatem esse tipo de crime em questão.

As conquistas da ENCCLA foram objeto de reconhecimento internacional por parte do Grupo de Ação Financeira Contra a Lavagem de Dinheiro e o Financiamento do Terrorismo – GAFI, organismo que avalia os países e formula recomendações com vista à prevenção e repressão da lavagem de dinheiro e do financiamento do terrorismo, cujos padrões, inclusive, são reconhecidos pelo Banco Mundial e Fundo Monetário Internacional.

A ENCCLA assim, renova-se neste instante como um espaço para o estabelecimento e difusão de boas práticas, bem como para o firmamento de padrões mínimos no que diz respeito à erradicação da corrupção e da lavagem de dinheiro. Cria-se e dissemina-se uma cultura de repúdio a estas condutas a qual se vê refletida nas instituições e em toda a sociedade brasileira.

Fonte: Ministério do Planejamento

PF indicia nove pessoas por fraudes em ONG da ex-jogadora Karina

Do G1

A Polícia Federal (PF) de Campinas (SP) indiciou nove pessoas acusadas de desvio de recursos públicos concedidos por meio do Programa Segundo Tempo, do governo federal, para a Organização Não-Governamental (ONG) Pra Frente Brasil, sediada em Jaguariúna (SP). De acordo com a PF, entre os indiciados está a ex-vereadora da cidade e ex-jogadora de basquete Karina Valéria Rodrigues, gerente da entidade. A polícia não informou a lista completa dos indiciados e nem detalhou o envolvimento de cada um deles no esquema.

O grupo é acusado pelos crimes de peculato, falsidade ideológica, formação de quadrilha, sonegação de contribuições previdenciárias, fraude de licitação e lavagem de dinheiro. Os indiciamentos foram feitos na semana passada e acusação à Justiça Federal oferecida na sexta-feira (25). O processo será encaminhado para parecer do Ministério Público Federal (MPF), que decidirá se fará a denúncia.

Ao G1, a ex-jogadora de basquete informou que ainda não foi notificada do indiciamento. Ela nega as acusações e diz que acreditar que esta seja uma boa oportunidade para se defender na Justiça.

Investigação
A ONG Pra Frente Brasil recebeu recursos do governo federal entre os anos de 2004 e 2011, em torno de R$ 30 milhões, para incentivar 18 mil crianças, adolescentes e jovens à prática de esportes. Em julho de 2012, com a participação da Controladoria Geral da União (CGU), aPolícia Federal cumpriu sete mandados de busca e apreensão de documentosrelacionados com o suposto desvio de recursos públicos do governo federal para a organização.

Segundo a PF, Karina Rodrigues exercia suas atividades na ONG como se fosse empregada, mesmo sendo quem coordenava todos os trabalhos. De acordo com as investigações, a organização promoveu várias alterações do estatuto social, fazendo figurar em sua diretoria diversas pessoas, sendo que algumas delas tinham idade avançada e não freqüentaram a entidade. As irregularidades, que já haviam sido denunciadas pelo programa Fantástico em 2011, foram comprovadas com a análise dos documentos apreendidos, segundo a PF.

saiba mais

• PF faz operação em casa e ONG de ex-jogadora de basquete Karina
• Ex-jogadora Karina nega fraudes e favorecimento de família em licitação
• ONG de ex-atleta é suspeita de fraudar convênio com Ministério do Esporte

Durante o inquérito, foi apontada ainda a existência de empresas registradas em nome de terceiros e controladas por Karina, para emitir notas fiscais para a ONG, entregando os produtos em quantidade e qualidade inferior à contratada, sendo que grande parte dessas notas eram contabilizadas nas empresas pela metade do valor apresentado para pagamento à ONG.

Na casa de um dos investigados, titular de uma das empresas investigadas, foram encontrados canhotos de cheques, com a letra da ex-vereadora, de duas empresas que seriam concorrentes no fornecimento para a ONG. Contatou-se também, de acorod com a Polícia Federal, que Karina utilizava os cheques das empresas fornecedoras da entidade para o pagamento de despesas pessoais, como dentista e salário de empregada doméstica.

Os acusados, na medida da culpabilidade, podem responder por crimes com penas de reclusão, sendo de 1 a 3 anos pela formação de quadrilha, de 2 a 12 anos e multa pelo peculato, de 1 a 5 anos e multa pela falsidade ideológica, de 2 a 5 anos e multa pela sonegação de contribuições previdenciárias, de 3 a 10 anos e multa pela lavagem de dinheiro, além de pena de detenção de 2 a 4 anos e multa pela fraude à licitação.

PF apreende documentos na sede da ONG da ex-jogadora de basquete Karina (Foto: André Natale/EPTV)

Repasse do desvio
A Polícia Federal afirma que planilhas mostraram o possível pagamento de valores registrados como 'partido', além de saques em dinheiro no valor de R$ 50 mil e que, segundo a anotação, seriam destinados à ex-jogadora. A análise dos documentos mostrou ainda que mais de 200 pessoas receberam como 'monitores', pagos diretamente, segundo a PF, com verbas oriundas do Ministério dos Esportes, sem prestar esse tipo de serviço à entidade.

A ONG recebeu do governo federal, entre os anos de 2007 e 2011, em torno de R$ 30 milhões, além de uma contrapartida dos municípios em que atuava, no montante de R$ 3.575.629,60, como consta no inquérito. A organização deveria desenvolver atividades esportivas educacionais para atender a cerca de 18 mil crianças, adolescentes e jovens, porém, além de atender a número substancialmente menor de beneficiados, mas não fornecia os serviços e materiais esportivos em qualidade e quantidade que declarava, segundo a acusação.

Entre as diversas irregularidades investigadas, comprovou-se ainda a existência de vínculos entre pessoas que trabalharam para as empresas fornecedoras e a ONG, pagamentos antecipados de valores para fornecimentos que ocorreriam ao longo do tempo e a falta de aplicação financeira de recursos não utilizados.

Para disfarçar a fraude, segundo a PF, a ONG mudou por diversas vezes a sua diretoria, tendo a investigação apurado que a mesma era constituída por pessoas próximas à criadora da organização, em geral parentes entre si, incluindo até pessoas de idade avançada, como é o caso de uma vice-diretora, nascida no ano de 1927.

Todos os direitos reservados G1 www.globo.com

Maluf terá de devolver cerca de R$ 60 milhões à Prefeitura de SP

Estadão  18/01/2012

Segundo órgão, empresas foram usadas pelo ex-prefeito para desviar dinheiro de obras públicas

A Corte de Jersey anunciou que empresas offshores ligadas ao ex-prefeito Paulo Maluf terão de devolver aos cofres públicos do município de São Paulo US$ 28,3 milhões — R$ 57 milhões — além de pagar nove anos de custos com advogados no processo que ainda tramita no paraíso fiscal. A avaliação da prefeitura é de que, só com advogados, o custo chegou a US$ 4,5 milhões nesse período.

Em novembro, a Corte constatou que as empresas ligadas à família Maluf haviam sido usadas pelo ex-prefeito para desviar dinheiro de obras públicas em São Paulo, entre elas a obra da avenida Águas Espraiadas nos anos 90.

Faltava definir o valor, que originalmente foi calculado em US$ 10 milhões. Com juros e correções, além das multas, Maluf terá de devolver US$ 28 milhões, além de US$ 4,5 milhões dos custos dos advogados. As empresas já recorreram e uma decisão final deve sair em março.

Cálculo original da Procuradoria do Município mostra que o valor seria entre US$ 22 milhões e US$ 32 milhões.

"Paulo Maluf era parte da fraude na medida em que, pelo menos no decorrer de janeiro e fevereiro de 1998, ele ou outras pessoas em seu nome receberam ou foram creditadas no Brasil com uma série de 15 pagamentos secretos", concluiu a Corte.

O valor que voltará para a prefeitura está bloqueado em Jersey, sendo que parte importante é composta por ações da Eucatex, empresa da família Maluf.

Através de duas empresas fundadas e administradas pela família, Maluf e Flávio, seu filho, foram os beneficiados do desvio de cerca de 20% da verba destinada à construção da atual avenida jornalista Roberto Marinho. Com notas fiscais frias, a prefeitura pagou US$ 10,5 milhões a mais para a construtora Mendes Júnior.

Esse dinheiro foi repassado a subcontratados e, depois, transferido a Nova York. De lá, o dinheiro cruzou o Atlântico para ser depositado em nome de duas empresas offshore dos Maluf em Jersey.

Ex-New Orleans mayor indicted on bribery, money laundering

The Star of Phoenx 18/01/2013

NEW ORLEANS - Former New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin was indicted Friday on charges that he used his office for personal gain, accepting payoffs, free trips and gratuities from contractors while the city was struggling to recover from the devastation of Hurricane Katrina.

The charges against Nagin are the outgrowth of a City Hall corruption investigation that already has resulted in guilty pleas by two former city officials and two businessmen and a prison sentence for a former city vendor.

The federal indictment accuses Nagin of accepting more than $160,000 in bribes and truckloads of free granite for his family business in exchange for promoting the interests of a local businessman who secured millions of dollars in city contract work after the 2005 hurricane. The businessman, Frank Fradella, pleaded guilty in June to bribery conspiracy and securities-fraud charges and has been co-operating with federal authorities.

Nagin, 56, also is charged with accepting at least $60,000 in payoffs from another businessman, Rodney Williams, for his help in securing city contracts for architectural, engineering and management services work. Williams, who was president of Three Fold Consultants LLC, pleaded guilty Dec. 5 to a conspiracy charge.

The indictment also accuses Nagin of getting free private jet and limousine services to New York from an unidentified businessman. Nagin is accused of agreeing to wave tax penalties that the businessman owed to the city on a delinquent tax bill in 2006.

In 2010, Greg Meffert, a former technology official and deputy mayor under Nagin, pleaded guilty to charges he took bribes and kickbacks in exchange for steering city contracts to businessman Mark St. Pierre. Anthony Jones, who served as the city's chief technology officer in Nagin's administration, also pleaded guilty to taking payoffs.

Meffert co-operated with the government in its case against St. Pierre, who was convicted in May 2011 of charges that include conspiracy, bribery and money laundering.

Nagin, a former cable television executive, was a political novice before being elected to his first term as mayor in 2002, buoyed by strong support from white voters. He cast himself a reform-minded progressive who wasn't bound by party affiliations, as he snubbed fellow Democrat Kathleen Blanco and endorsed Republican Bobby Jindal's unsuccessful gubernatorial campaign in 2003.

Katrina elevated Nagin to the national stage, where he gained a reputation for colorful and sometimes cringe-inducing rhetoric.

During a radio interview broadcast in the storm's early aftermath, he angrily pleaded with federal officials to "get every doggone Greyhound bus line in the country and get their asses moving to New Orleans." In January 2006, he apologized for a Martin Luther King Day speech in which he predicted New Orleans would be a "chocolate city" and asserted that "God was mad at America."

Strong support from black voters helped Nagin win re-election in 2006 despite widespread criticism of his post-Katrina leadership. But the glacial pace of rebuilding, a surge in violent crime and the budding City Hall corruption investigation chipped away at Nagin's popularity during his second term.

Nagin could not seek a third consecutive term because of term limits. Mitch Landrieu, who ran against Nagin in 2006, succeeded him in 2010.

Nagin has largely steered clear of the political arena since he left office. On his Twitter account, he describes his current occupations as author, public speaker and "green energy entrepreneur." He wrote a self-published memoir called "Katrina's Secrets: Storms After the Storm."

Nagin's attorney, Robert Jenkins, didn't immediately return cellphone calls seeking comment on the indictment.

Read more: http://www.thestarphoenix.com/news/ExNew+Orleans+Mayor+Nagin+indicted+bribery+money+laundering/7839622/story.html#ixzz2ISyxyyMJ

Policial que investigava corrupção de premiê do Paquistão é encontrado morto

Atualizado em  18 de janeiro, 2013 - 09:08 (Brasília) 11:08 GMT

Suprema Corte do Paquistão ordenou a prisão de premiê do país, Raja Pervez Ashraf

Um dos policiais que investigava um caso de corrupção ligado ao primeiro-ministro do Paquistão, Raja Pervez Ashraf, foi encontrado morto nesta sexta-feira.

O homem, identificado como Kamran Faisal, teria sido achado enforcado em um albergue do governo na capital do país, Islamabad, onde vivia.

Tópicos relacionados

• Internacional

A Suprema Corte do Paquistão ordenou a prisão de Ashraf na última terça-feira sob a suspeit de que ele teria aceitado subornos ao aprovar projetos de geração de energia quando havia sido ministro de água e de energia, em 2010.

O premiê nega as acusações.

A polícia disse que está investigando as circunstâncias da morte de Faisal, e uma autópsia será realizada.

"Estamos investigando a partir de ângulos diferentes ... Vamos emitir uma opinião depois da conclusão da autópsia", disse o chefe da polícia de Islamabad, Bani Amin.

A ordem para prender o primeiro-ministro veio depois que um popular clérigo do país liderou uma manifestação que levou milhares de pessoas às ruas da capital paquistanesa, exigindo sua renúncia do governo.

A queda do premiê levantou temores de uma crise política no Paquistão, embora analistas acreditem que a prisão de Ashraf seja improvável.

Todos os direito reservados BBC BRASIL 18/01/2012

Ex-prefeitos do ES são presos por fraude em tributos

Fábio Grellet ESTADÃO

Políticos contrataram empresa sem licitação para cobrar tributos que retia 40% do pagamento de multas

Rio - Sete ex-prefeitos de municípios do Espírito Santo foram presos nesta terça-feira durante uma operação promovida pela Polícia Civil em parceria com o Tribunal de Contas do Estado e o Ministério Público Estadual. Acusado de transferir a uma empresa particular o poder de cobrar tributos municipais, o grupo teve a prisão temporária (por cinco dias) decretada pela Justiça capixaba. Outras 18 pessoas que supostamente participavam do esquema também foram presas de forma preventiva ou temporária, e existe ainda um foragido.

O grupo de sete ex- acusado de estelionato, usurpação de função pública, dispensa ou inexigibilidade de licitação, excesso de exação, peculato e advocacia administrativa. A área de atuação englobava pelo menos seis municípios capixabas: Anchieta, Aracruz, Guarapari, Jaguaré, Linhares e Marataízes. Foram presos dois ex-prefeitos de Anchieta (Edival Petri e Moacyr Assad), dois ex-prefeitos de Aracruz (Ademar Devens e Luiz Carlos Gonçalves), um ex-prefeito de Guarapari (Edson Magalhães), um de Linhares (Guerino Zanon) e um de Marataízes ( Ananias Vieira).

SAIBA MAIS

3 MIL INQUERITOS CONTRA PREFEITOS POR FRAUDES EM 2012

A investigação feita pelo Tribunal de Contas do Estado do Espírito Santo começou em julho passado. Em dezembro, na primeira etapa da operação, chamada Derrama, foram presas 11 pessoas acusadas de integrar o esquema. Nesta terça-feira foi promovida a segunda fase, com mais 25 prisões.

Todas as prefeituras contrataram sem licitação uma mesma empresa, a CMS Assessoria e Consultoria, para cobrar tributos municipais. A CMS passava a multar empresas de grande porte que deviam tributos. Cerca de 40% do dinheiro que recebia em nome das prefeituras era retido como pagamento pelos serviços prestados a cada administração.

A reportagem não conseguiu localizar representantes da CMS.

Fraud email key phrases revealed by new software

BBC 07/01/2013

A number of banking scandals have tarnished the reputation of the City

 

• Explaining the Libor scandal

The most common phrases used by fraudsters in emails are "cover up", "write off" and "illegal", research has found.

Rogue traders can be caught by searching for key words in their emails scanned by software developed by accountants Ernst and Young, using US Federal Bureau of Investigation tools.

The software found there are more than 3,000 key terms used in emails.

"Nobody will find out" is another common phrase the researchers found.

The software can alert management about suspicious trends.

"Most often such email traffic is only seized upon by regulators or fraud investigators when the damage has been done," said Rashmi Joshi, director of Ernst & Young's fraud investigation unit.

 

TOP 10 MOST COMMON PHRASES USED IN FRAUD EMAILS

• Cover up
• Write off
• Illegal
• Failed investment
• Nobody will find out
• Grey area
• They owe it to me
• Do not volunteer information
• Not ethical
• Off the books

Source: Ernst and Young

"Firms are increasingly seeking to proactively search for specific trends and red flags - initially anonymously - but with the potential for investigation where a consistent pattern of potential fraud is flagged."

'Very revealing'

The software uses an analysis of language, statistics, and call data.

"The language, which is a mix of accounting phrases, personal motivations and attempts to conceal, are very revealing," Ms Joshi said.

A wave of banking scandals has undermined faith in the banking industry over the past few years.

Both Barclays and UBS have been fined for attempts to rig Libor, a benchmark rate used for more than $300 trillion worth of loans and transactions. In addition, reports have said at least 15 banks globally are being investigated for possible Libor manipulation.

Meanwhile, UBS was also fined over failings that allowed a trader, Kweku Adebole, to lose $2bn (£1.2bn) in speculative trading. Mr Adebole was jailed for seven years for fraud after a trial in London.

MPF denuncia 17 pessoas por fraude no Cruzeiro do Sul

Do G1 Economia

Ex-controladores Luis Felippe e Luis Octávio estão entre os indiciados.
Inquérito foi concluído em novembro pela Polícia Federal.

O Ministério Público Federal em São Paulo denunciou, nesta segunda-feira (7), 17 pessoas pela "prática de ilícitos financeiro-administrativos" no Banco Cruzeiro do Sul, entre eles os ex-controladores Luis Octávio e Luis Felippe Índio da Costa (pai e filho), além de administradores, membros de auditoria e funcionários da instituição bancária.

Segundo o MPF, entre os delitos praticados pelos integrantes do grupo estão formação de quadrilha, crimes contra o Sistema Financeiro – gestão fraudulenta, estelionato, apropriação indébita, “caixa dois” – crimes contra o mercado de capitais e lavagem de dinheiro.

O Ministério Público afirma, ainda, que os denunciados teriam fraudado empréstimos consignados, criando 320 mil contratos fa lsos, "com a utilização indevida dos CPFs de diversas pessoas e dos nomes de diversos órgãos públicos". A fraude teria gerado uma "falsa contabilização de ativos do banco no valor de R$ 2,5 bilhões".

saiba mais

• Banco Central decreta intervenção no Cruzeiro do Sul
• BC decreta liquidação extrajudicial dos bancos Cruzeiro do Sul e Prosper
• Cruzeiro do Sul tem diferença de R$ 3,1 bilhões no balanço
• CVM multa ex-presidente do Cruzeiro do Sul em R$ 300 mil
• Justiça revoga prisão domiciliar do pai de banqueiro do Cruzeiro do Sul

O banco Cruzeiro do Sul teve liquidação extrajudicial decretada pelo Banco Central em setembro. A instituição sofreuintervenção do Banco Central em junhopor "descumprimento de normas aplicáveis ao sistema financeiro e da verificação de insubsistência em itens do ativo". Em agosto, após a realização de uma auditoria, foi divulgada uma diferença de R$ 3,1 bilhões no balanço.

O inquérito que apurava as suspeitas de fraude no banco – que deu origem às denúncias feitas nesta segunda – foi encerrado em novembro pela Polícia Federal, que apontou que os delitos teriam sido cometidos pelos ex-controladores e ex-administradores do banco entre 2008 e 2012, segundo inquérito da PF.

O G1 procurou o advogado dos ex-controladores do banco Cruzeiro do Sul, Roberto Podval, mas não obteve contato.

Segunda ação
De acordo com o MPF, uma segunda ação penal foi ajuizada nesta segunda, também relativa a fraudes no Cruzeiro do Sul. Na ação, os ex-controladores e dois administradores são acusados de gestão fraudulenta, "apropriar-se de dinheiro, título ou valor de que tenham a posse sem autorização de quem de direito; induzir ou manter em erro investidor relativamente a operação ou situação financeira, sonegando informações ou prestando-as falsamente; e fazer inserir elemento falso ou inserir elemento exigido pela legislação em demonstrativos contábeis de instituição financeira".

Prisões e multas
A Comissão de Valores Mobiliários (CVM) multou o ex-presidente do banco Cruzeiro do Sul Luis Octávio Índio da Costa em R$ 300 mil por não divulgar fato relevante relativo à compra do banco Prosper pelo Cruzeiro do Sul.

Os ex-controladores do banco Cruzeiro do Sul tiveram prisão preventiva decretada pela Justiça, em outubro, por considerar que havia possibilidade concreta de uso ou ocultação do patrimônio. O pai ficou em prisão domiciliar por ter mais de 80 anos e o filho foi para o Cadeião de Pinheiros. "É concreto o risco de que os investigados Luís Octavio Azeredo Lopes Índio da Costa e Luís Felippe Índio da Costa ocultem, dissimulem e se desfaçam de seu patrimônio, que há que ser utilizado para ressarcir as vítimas e recompor o patrimônio da instituição financeira", diz a decisão de prisão preventiva.

Em novembro, Luis Felippe conseguiu um habeas corpus na 2ª instância e o pai teve o mandato de prisão domiciliar revogado na sequência pela 1ª instância.

Housing plan faces corruption threat, warns state media

Saturday, 05 January, 2013, 9:00pm Agence France-Presse in Beijing

A high-profile effort by the Chinese government to build affordable houses for the millions priced-out of the country’s property market is marred by official corruption, state run media said on Saturday.

China in 2010 launched a massive “affordable housing” drive as part of an effort to defuse widespread discontent about the country’s house prices, which have skyrocketed over the last decade.

The programme, which aims to build 36 million affordable units by 2015, was championed by Li Keqiang, who assumed the ruling Communist Party’s second most powerful post in November and is set to succeed Wen Jiabao as premier in March.

China invested more than 820 billion yuan in the programme last year, official media said.

But government officials have “easily amassed dozens” of newly-built affordable apartments, and “have taken away housing units specifically intended for disadvantaged groups”, according to state-run news agency Xinhua.

The outspoken editorial followed reports that a housing official has been placed under investigation after a local government confirmed online allegations that his family owned 29 apartments.

Of the apartments owned by the family of Zhai Zhengfeng, who previously worked as director of a housing bureau in the central Chinese city of Zhengzhou, “11 are said to fall into the affordable housing category”, Xinhua said.

The case, which provoked outrage on Chinese social networking websites, fanned “suspicion and murmurs about corruption in the distribution process” for affordable houses, Xinhua said.

Xinhua added that the need for measures to combat corruption in the programme was “increasingly urgent”, and called for greater transparency, including full disclosure of who is approved for affordable housing.

“Many Chinese have become extremely sensitive to skyrocketing housing prices and any mishandling of housing resources,” the editorial said.

China built more than five million affordable housing units this year, Xinhua reported previously, while the government has continued with restrictions on the market first announced in 2010 to slow house price rises.

China Ex-Housing Official Probed for Corruption, Xinhua Reports

From Bloomberg 05/01/2012

A former Chinese housing official is under investigation after allegations that his family owned 29 apartments were corroborated by the district government, the Xinhua News Agency reported late yesterday.

Prosecutors in Zhengzhou, capital of central Henan province, will investigate Zhai Zhenfeng, the former director of the housing administration bureau in the city’s Erqi district, Xinhua said. The allegations, from a whistle-blower, were first posted on a microblog last week, the agency said.

Similar online revelations in recent months have brought down government officials who maintained extramarital affairs, bought property and luxury items or abused their power. Xi Jinping, the new head of the ruling Communist Party, warned top leaders in November that corruption could kill the party and ruin the country, the official China Daily reported at the time.

Zhai was removed from his post in September 2011 for offenses including seeking profits for his family, Xinhua said yesterday. Among details of his family’s property dealings posted online last week were his daughter’s ownership of 11 apartments and two identity cards, revelations that “sparked outrage” online, Xinhua said.

In a separate report yesterday, state television said the daughter’s properties were purchased during Zhai’s tenure as head of the housing department between January 2002 and September 2010. Four members of Zhai’s family had a total of eight identity cards, with four registered in other provinces or cities, CCTV reported. Chinese citizens can legally have only one identity card.

Discipline Violations

Xi has intensified a crackdown on corruption and ordered officials to abandon extravagance, cut down on lavish ceremonies and live more frugally, as part of a broader push to win back people’s trust.

Li Chuncheng, a deputy party secretary of southwestern Sichuan province, became the first minister-level official to be investigated following a once-a-decade power transfer to new leadership in November. Li was put under investigation on suspicion of a “severe violation of discipline,” Xinhua reported on Dec. 6, citing the party’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.

The nation’s legislature last month passed rules requiring people to identify themselves when signing up for Internet and phone services, a move that may give the party greater control over microblogs and websites that have become platforms for people to air dissent, rumor and claims of corruption not tolerated in print media.

A district party secretary was fired in November after a sex tape of him circulated on the Internet, Xinhua said at the time. Cai Bin, an official in the southern city of Guangzhou was put under investigation for corruption after he was found to own 21 homes, the agency reported in October.

To contact Bloomberg News staff for this story: Tian Ying in Beijing at ytian@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Paul Tighe at ptighe@bloomberg.net

Quebec story of the year: The corruption inquiry

CBC News Posted: Jan 1, 2013 8:19

 

In fewer than 12 months, the political landscape in Quebec has transformed, in no small part due to the fallout of testimony the Charbonneau commission and raids by the province's anti-corruption unit.

We asked you what was the top news story in Quebec in 2012, and the majority of you said the province's ongoing investigation into bid-rigging and collusion deserved that top spot.

Notable quotes

"They think it's a bunch of old guys smoking cigars, playing cards in a coffee shop, and that's not the modern-day Mafia."— Mike Amato, York Regional police detective, in testimony before Charbonneau commission.

"The government, taxpayers are paying more when the Mafia is involved in any particular business, if the government or taxpayers have to use that business" — Joseph Pistone, the former FBI agent who infiltrated the New York Mafia.

"I was not an angel. I fixed contracts. I financed political parties. I corrupted bureaucrats. But the system works in such a way that if I wanted to work in Laval, Montreal, or on the north shore for the [Transport] Ministry, I had no choice but to act in that fashion" — Former construction boss, Lino Zambito.

“We’re facing allegations that, even without proof, are altering the reputations of those in whom you have placed your trust ... Regardless of what I do or say, it is clear that the damage has been done"— Gilles Vaillancourt, former Laval mayor, in his resignation speech.

"When I was a young man, my father told me never to get into politics because it was dirty and would destroy me" — Gérald Tremblay, former mayor of Montreal, in his resignation speech.

Three mayors have stepped down from their posts, city employees have been suspended and the commission has shed light on an alleged kick back scheme that inflated contracts, siphoning millions from the public purse.

Among the dozens of documents and videos presented before the commission was tape of construction bosses — who were securing multi-million dollar contracts with the city — meeting with known members of the Montreal Mafia at the café that acted as the Rizzuto clan's social headquarters.

Those portions of the tapes, recorded over a three year period as part of the RCMP-led crack down on the Mafia dubbed Project Colisée, had not previously been made public.

The commission turned unknown construction entrepreneurs, such as Lino Zambito, and otherwise faceless bureaucrats, like Gilles Surprenant, into household names.

Zambito's frank testimony about the alleged workings of bid rigging at city hall shocked even those loosely following the daily drama unfolding on the commission's witness stand.

Surprenant's admissions about taking bribes in exchange for those lucrative contracts exposed the depths of those allegations.

The city engineer told the commission he took as much as $600,000 from colluding construction entrepreneurs for his role in the alleged scheme. He also admitted to taking a Caribbean golf vacation with reputed Montreal Mob boss, Vito Rizzuto.

While he denied all knowledge of the bid-rigging scheme, former Montreal mayor Gerald Tremblay was implicated in testimony by a former party organizer, who said the mayor turned a blind eye to illegal party fundraising.

Tremblay continued to deny any wrongdoing, but stepped down from his post in early November, citing the city's best interest.

Anti-corruption raids

As the commission continued to hear testimony, investigators with the province's anti-corruption unit (UPAC) continued to make arrests and execute search warrants at high-profile locations, including at the home and financial institutions of former Laval mayor, Gilles Vaillancourt.

Former Montreal mayor Gerald Tremblay said in his resignation speech that he was a victim of an unbearable injustice. (Graham Hughes/Canadian Press) Like Tremblay, Vaillancourt eventually stepped down from his post, but maintained that he was not involved in any financial misdeeds.

In total, UPAC executed 450 search warrants and made 49 arrests in 2012. Among those arrested were construction magnate Tony Acurso, charged with fraud and conspiracy, the former mayor of Mascouche, Richard Marcotte, and the former head of Montreal's executive committee, Frank Zampino.

Beyond municipal contracts

UPAC, which focused much of its efforts in 2012 on the workings of municipalities, will turn its attention to the province and beyond in 2013.

Robert Lafrenière, the head of the anti-corruption unit, confirmed that some of UPAC's 22 active investigations extend beyond the borders of Quebec.

"Some stratagems are made in other places, other countries, and exported to us. We're speaking about the Mafia," he said in December.

The Charbonneau commission, whose full report is due in fall 2013, will continue to hear testimony when hearings resume on Jan. 21.

Corrupção no futebol ameaça jogos da Copa de 2014

Thiago de Araújo, do R7 01/01/2013

Especialistas na investigação do submundo da bola alertam: Brasil precisa abrir os olhos

Os mais de 200 anos do futebol já viram incontáveis casos de corrupção em todo o mundo. De partidas compradas, com placares pré-determinados, aos campeonatos envoltos em resultados obscuros, já se viu de tudo. E nem mesmo o maior evento da modalidade, a Copa do Mundo, está a salvo. Os últimos dois Mundiais — 2006 na Alemanha e 2010 na África do Sul — não deixam dúvidas: a corrupção persiste. E no Brasil, sede da próxima Copa, a história pode se repetir.

A prisão de cinco dirigentes do futebol sul-africano — entre eles o presidente da Safa (Confederação de Futebol do país), Kirsten Nematandani — na semana passada fez retornar aos holofotes, para desgosto da Fifa, o submundo da bola no planeta. Quatro dos cinco jogos preparatórios da África do Sul teriam sido armados, com participação de apostadores, mais notadamente da Ásia, tida como polo da corrupção futebolística no planeta.

Segundo apurações da própria Fifa, os amistosos dos sul-africanos contra Tailândia, Bulgária, Guatemala e Colômbia foram arranjados em benefício ao apostador cingapuriano Wilson Perumal e sua organização, a Football 4U. O nome em questão foi preso na Finlândia por financiar jogos arranjados na liga do país europeu, além de envolvimento com a corrupção que se alastrou pelo futebol do Zimbábue entre 2007 e 2009.

Quatro anos antes do Mundial de 2010, na Alemanha, o Brasil bateu a seleção de Gana por 4 a 0, em partida válida pelas oitavas de final, e avançou para depois ser derrotado pela França. A derrota africana, como se comprovou pouco tempo depois, teve a participação de apostadores, que tiveram acesso ao time africano. Uma das vozes que denunciaram aquele esquema foi a do jornalista canadense Declan Hill, autor do livro Máfia no Futebol (The Fix, 2008). E ele tem certeza: a Copa de 2014 sofrerá do mesmo mal.

— As seleções africanas continuarão sendo alvo dos apostadores e da máfia do futebol enquanto os seus dirigentes seguirem tratando mal os seus jogadores. Quando as confederações locais pararem de explorar os seus atletas, nós veremos os arranjos pararem. O que vemos hoje é um preconceito europeu ao fato de que na Ásia está o mercado de manipulação e compra de jogos. Falta vontade política para resolver o problema.

Hill concedeu entrevista exclusiva ao R7 e levantou a tese de que nem mesmo Copas do Mundo estão a salvo de mafiosos e criminosos envolvidos no futebol. Segundo ele, em pelo menos 60 países existem provas de que partidas arranjadas foram jogadas, em várias ocasiões com a participação dos próprios jogadores que estavam em campo. Mas o pior, segundo ele, é a falta de vontade de quem dirigente o futebol — Fifa, Uefa e demais confederações continentais — de resolver a questão.

— Nós poderíamos parar facilmente 90% da corrupção e dos arranjos no esporte. As autoridades sempre dizem que “não podemos fazer nada, a corrupção é inevitável”. Não acreditem neles, é possível parar tais criminosos (...). A Uefa e a Fifa estão engajadas em um “teatro” no momento, fingindo que estão fazendo alguma coisa a respeito, mas são apenas palavras, sem nenhum ato.

Mais vozes ecoam contra a corrupção no exterior

Declan Hill não é uma voz solitária. No exterior, a lista de jornalistas especializados na cobertura do submundo futebolístico é vasta, muito deles com atuações destacadas. O suíço Jean François Tanda teve atuação destacada em vasculhar e trazer à tona o escândalo que envolve a falência da ISL, então braço de marketing da Fifa. A empresa teria um “caixa 2” para pagar propinas a cartolas dos mais graúdos, entre eles Ricardo Teixeira, ex-presidente da CBF, e João Havelange, ex-chefão da Fifa.

Tanda crê que a ganância é um mal tão grande quanto o mundo das apostas e arranjos da bola, e é ela que incita jogadores, dirigentes, técnicos e árbitros a se envolverem com a corrupção fora das quatro linhas. Além da atuação que Uefa e Fifa “dizem fazer”, o suíço vê problemas na apuração do que já se conhece na área.

— A cooperação entre a Interpol ou o sistema anticorrupção da Fifa não é mais do que aparência. Na verdade, quem manipula jogos é bandido. Não é papel da Fifa ou da Uefa pegá-los, mas sim da polícia. Por isso, a meu ver, nem polícia ou Interpol deveriam aceitar doações da Fifa, até para manter a sua real independência.

Outro que bate forte na Fifa é o britânico Andrew Jennings, autor de publicações como Jogo Sujo (Foul! Secret World of Fifa, 2007). Diretor do site Transparency in Sports, Jennings esteve no início deste mês no Brasil para o MediaOn – Seminário internacional de jornalismo online, e alertou para o fato de que o País pode estar virando a “República da Máfia”.

— Dizem que fazem isso [a Copa de 2014] pelo prazer dos jogos. Isso não quer dizer nada, que besteira, não me faça vomitar. Procurei a definição de crime organizado. Eles são a máfia. Eles não querem falar disso como se fosse um fato. Eles preenchem todos os requisitos de crime organizado. Tem o chefão, o enriquecimento por atividades criminosas etc. O dinheiro entra e desaparece.

Manipulação de jogos: dicas do que fazer ou não

Aparentemente, o quadro já visto antes, durante e depois das Copas de 2006 e 2010, não intimida as autoridades brasileiras. Ao R7, o ministro do Esporte, Aldo Rebelo, afirmou que o Brasil está engajado em fazer a “melhor Copa do Mundo já vista”, e que não pode “fazer previsões” sobre coisas como manipulação de resultados.

— Não posso comentar sobre investigações [em outros Mundiais]. No Brasil já tivemos incidentes de corrupção no futebol [como a Máfia do Apito, em 2005], mas não nos cabe fazer previsões. Vamos buscar fazer o melhor no que tange a nós, sempre dentro da lei.
Outros parecem mais preocupados. O antigo membro do COB, Alberto Murray Neto, destacou em outubro deste ano, durante um seminário intitulado “Mega-eventos e Democracia: Riscos e Oportunidades", que os brasileiros correm o risco de "ver o maior escândalo de corrupção da história do País”, caso a população e as autoridades não fiquem atentas aos preparativos e desenrolar da Copa de 2014 e dos Jogos Olímpicos de 2016, no Rio.

O ex-jogador e hoje deputado Romário (PSB-RJ) é outro que vê algo de podre no ar. Ele segue articulando no Congresso Nacional o pedido de CPI para investigar a CBF. O tema deverá ter desdobramentos no próximo ano, mas quem vê o quadro brasileiro de longe ainda teme pelo pior, sobretudo ao saber da descrença por aqui. Declan Hill é um deles.

— Por exemplo, aqui no Canadá a manipulação já chegou [ao futebol]. Houve um caso organizado por uma gangue croata em uma das menores ligas locais. A mensagem aos brasileiros é que se há criminosos arranjando partidas aqui, onde o esporte não é grande, certamente pode haver algo mais forte no Brasil.

Se tivesse que dar um conselho às autoridades do País, o jornalista canadense atacaria o que ele chama de “raiz do problema”: os pagamentos aos que entram em campo com a camisa de suas seleções. Mas o raciocínio também deveria valer aos campeonatos locais.

— Baixem os pagamentos aos jogadores. Seria a primeira coisa a fazer. Cada time profissional aí deveria depositar a soma de todos os salários em uma conta antes do início da temporada. Então haveria checagens [feita pelas autoridades] a cada duas semanas. Paguem os salários e 90% da corrupção irá parar. Na Copa, é impressionante que existam jogadores que não são pagos! É a primeira coisa que deveria ser mudada pela Fifa e pelos organizadores. É o maior torneio do planeta e alguns jogadores e técnicos não são pagos, é impressionante.

Jean François Tanda vai pela mesma linha e diz que o caminho, já antes do Mundial, é “seguir o rastro do dinheiro”, empregado desde a concepção até a conclusão da Copa de 2014. O pior aspecto, em meio aos indícios de que a corrupção possa entrar em campo com alguma seleção nacional, é a reputação do esporte estar em risco.

— Acho que as apostas não causem danos, mas sim a reputação das pessoas que as comandam, ao passo que a manipulação de resultados destrói a fé em uma competição justa. E isso independe de onde a competição esteja sendo disputada, seja nos EUA, na Alemanha, na África ou no Qatar, por exemplo.

Em 10 anos, quatro mil foram expulsos do serviço público por corrupção

Isabella Souto 31/12/2012 Estado de Minas

Este é o número de servidores federais demitidos por atos de improbidade. Apesar disso, tem sido difícil punir os culpados com prisão e recuperar o dinheiro que eles desviaram

Exonerados do serviço público por atos de improbidade administrativa, servidores corruptos podem ser beneficiados pela morosidade da Justiça brasileira. Graças à estrutura precária do Judiciário e à infinidade de recursos previstos em lei, os réus muitas vezes se veem livres de punições como a devolução de dinheiro aos cofres públicos e até mesmo prisão. E não é pouca gente: para se ter uma ideia, nos últimos 10 anos perderam cargos na União por desvios 4.021 funcionários – o equivalente a 0,75% do total de 536.223 servidores ativos.

O caso mais comum é de servidores que usam do cargo para beneficiar a si próprios ou a outra pessoa, como por exemplo fraudar uma licitação para ajudar determinada empresa. Mas há também vários exemplos de enriquecimento ilícito e desvio de dinheiro público. O processo administrativo que pode culminar na expulsão ou mesmo perda de aposentadoria leva de um ano a 18 meses, período que vai depender do número de pessoas envolvidas e da complexidade do crime cometido. Tempo considerado pequeno, se for levada em conta a média de tramitação de processos na Justiça.
“O problema é que enquanto o processo administrativo leva um ano, o criminal ou cível demora muito mais, podendo levar até à prescrição do crime. É preciso que se modifique o arcabouço legal para garantir a punição”, argumenta o secretário-executivo da Controladoria Geral da União (CGU), Luiz Navarro. Ele lamenta ainda que muitos casos não vão parar no Judiciário, pela dificuldade de provas, necessárias para que o processo não seja desqualificado nos tribunais.
O processo envolvendo servidores tem início no próprio órgão de lotação com a tomada de contas especial para apurar os fatos e quantificar os valores desviados. A partir daí segue para a CGU e Tribunal de Contas da União (TCU), encarregado de julgar o caso. Cabe à Advocacia Geral da União (AGU) a tarefa de ajuizar ações judiciais para ressarcimento de recursos e sanção penal aos acusados.
Mas, ainda que eles possam se livrar das penas, Luiz Navarro lembra que só o fato de não ter direito a uma aposentadoria já é uma grande perda para os acusados. E mesmo quem já se aposentou pode perder o benefício. Nos últimos 10 anos, foram 259 casos. O pedido de devolução do vencimento recebido durante a ocupação do cargo, no entanto, não tem sido acolhido pelo Judiciário.
SEGREDO Relatório disponibilizado pela CGU com dados até novembro deste ano mostra que 2011 foi o ano em que mais servidores deixaram seus cargos (564), e que o Rio de Janeiro foi o estado onde mais pessoas foram condenadas (517) no decênio. Minas Gerais ocupa a 6ª posição, com 123 demitidos. E a vassoura foi passada com mais força no Ministério da Previdência Social (MPS), líder do ranking de expulsões, com 992 pessoas, ou 2,466% da folha de pessoal. Uma explicação dada por Luiz Navarro é que se trata de uma pasta que tem um efetivo grande e lida com muitos recursos.
“Não é segredo para ninguém que há várias tentativas de fraude na Previdência. É uma estrutura que lida com muito dinheiro e de forma muito pulverizada. Há representantes do INSS em diversos estados, por isso há uma fragilidade maior”, disse. Por outro lado, para ele o número pode refletir um trabalho pesado de controle pela corregedoria do INSS. “Ter mais expulsões pode mostrar também    que o sistema de combate à corrupção está funcionando”, completou.
Prisões pela PF
Ao longo de 2012 a Polícia Federal prendeu 102 servidores públicos nas 287 operações deflagradas – o menor número desde 2003. Naquele ano, foram 122 prisões em 16 operações.Já 2008 foi o ano em que foram feitas mais apreensões: 396 servidores presos em 235 operações realizadas pelos policias.  A alegação da PF para a queda na estatística é legislativa: a Lei 12.403/11 teria alterado regras referentes a prisão processual, pagamento de fiança e liberdade provisória. Pela nova lei, a prisão preventiva, por exemplo, passou a ser determinada apenas pela Justiça e para casos mais específicos, como aqueles em que foi empregada violência, o investigado já tenha sido condenado ou em que haja real possibilidade de fuga.

Small companies need to pay heed to anti-corruption matters

 by  Jennifer Brown December 31, 2012

RCMP may be targeting big companies now but enforcement is becoming more stringent

It’s still early days when it comes to the enforcement of Canada’s anti-corruption legislation, but some companies may still not be ready should the RCMP come calling, says a senior counsel with Barrick Gold Corp.

“I think what Canadian companies have to come up to speed on is all of the learning and education that comes out of the U.S. prosecutions that are being adopted here in Canada. They should be tapping into that knowledge,” says Jonathan Drimmer, vice president and assistant general counsel at Barrick Gold Corp.
“In the last couple of years, the RCMP has been enforcing in a more serious way and there is no way to reach any other conclusion than they seem to be fairly serious about reaching resolutions,” says Drimmer. “They are on a serious enforcement tract.”
Considered a leading speaker on anti-bribery and corruption in the United States, Drimmer will be speaking at an anti-corruption and compliance conference being held in Toronto Feb. 20-22. He says while big companies such as SNC Lavalin are in the headlines right now, small to mid-size operations could easily be targets for the RCMP as it seeks to enforce Canada’s Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act.
“It certainly feels like they’re sending a signal that they’re going to start with an iconic Canadian company and pursue it aggressively,” says Drimmer. “You could certainly see relatively new prosecution entities wanting to make a splash with a case against a big name as a means of establishing themselves and sending a signal. SNC is important because it is an iconic company.”
In Sept. 2011, the RCMP executed a search warrant at SNC’s Oakville, Ont., office. In April 2012, the RCMP charged two Canadians and former SNC employees, Ramesh Shah and Mohammad Ismail, with violating the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act.
In November, Quebec’s special anti-corruption squad arrested former CEO Pierre Duhaime. SNC’s former president is accused of fraud, conspiracy, and forgery in relation to the $1.3-billion contract to build McGill University’s new super-hospital.
“But it’s also important for the small and medium-sized companies to understand they can also be a target and they can’t say, ‘We’re not SNC so we’re safe.’ Based on the public disclosures of SNC, it looks like fairly traditional kinds of bribery you see out there,” says Drimmer.
For large multinationals like SNC, he says the day has passed for loose anti-corruption controls.
“The reality is you look at the fact this [SNC] is about situations in Bangladesh, Libya, and Montreal and you think they really must have had seriously lax controls. This isn’t one operating unit, not just one project — this does seem to be more of a global pattern for them. I would be pretty nervous if I was on their board. I like SNC and we work with them, but you look at that span and you wonder about the strength of their systems.”
Drimmer, who is based in Washington, D.C. and Toronto, was a partner at Steptoe & Johnson LLP where he helped run the anti-corruption practice. Barrick was a client before he went to work for the company.
“Somehow they managed to talk me into going in-house,” he says.
He will be leading a session at the second annual Canadian and Global Anti-Corruption Compliance Conference called “Effectively complying with government investigations.” He will discuss the current priorities of anti-corruption units, what to expect with an investigation by the RCMP, and how to respond. Some of the current investigations he will refer to include one involving Calgary-based mining company Blackfire Exploration Ltd. In September, the RCMP raided the office of the Canadian mining company alleging in an affidavit that it funnelled bribes into the personal bank account of a small-town Mexican mayor to ensure protection from anti-mining protesters. The company has not been charged and says it is co-operating with the RCMP investigation.
Drimmer will also address cross-border corruption and bribery investigations through assessing how enforcement is co-ordinated between regulatory bodies in different countries.
“A lot of it has to do with interfacing with government authorities in a multi-jurisdiction investigation and how you deal with the different investigation authorities,” he says.
Barrick has a dedicated anti-corruption compliance program that is consistent with what’s going on in the United States.
“We want a level playing field for what we’re doing and we try and operate honestly and ethically everywhere we are. We are diligent in our compliance efforts and we think everyone else should be too, just to level the playing field,” says Drimmer.
The upside to all the developing anti-corruption legislation and enforcement, Drimmer notes, is when it comes to making acquisitions, partnerships, and joint ventures, the increased regulatory framework means companies can be more confident when others say they’re obeying the law they won’t get into trouble for doing business with them.

Montreal’s corruption culture ‘needs to be wiped out,’ whistleblower says

LES PERREAUX MONTREAL — The Globe and Mail Published Thursday, Dec. 27 2012, 8:20 PM EST

This article is part of Next, The Globe's five-day series examining the people, places, things and ideas that will shape 2013.

A man who helped blow the lid off of years of corruption in Quebec says one major chore remains in 2013 if Montrealers want their city to have a chance at a squeaky-clean slate.

Every single elected official who has been around Montreal city hall for more than a few years must be thrown out of office, according to André Cédilot, a long-time crime writer who first blew the whistle on corruption in the greater Montreal region in the early 1990s. He was also responsible for some of the more recent major scoops that led to the Charbonneau Commission and the establishment of an anti-corruption police unit.

In 2013, Montrealers will have their chance to throw the bums out. A civic election will take place in November, punctuating a year that will see both the Charbonneau Commission and the province’s anti-corruption squad hit full stride while the first kickback prosecutions go to trial. The revelations of 2013 may make 2012 look like a mere preface.

One after another, officials from the now-resigned mayor, Gérald Tremblay, on down have maintained they did not know what was going on among corrupt officials who fixed contracts, signed off on inflated bills and overlooked fraud in return for bribes. The systematic theft went on for years and cost taxpayers in Montreal and across the province hundreds of millions of dollars.

Mr. Cédilot doesn’t buy the denials. The former journalist made his living busting corruption and splaying it across the front page. Just before he retired, he co-authored a definitive book on the mob in Montreal, Mafia Inc., with his partner in crime coverage, André Noël, who retired to become an investigator with the Charbonneau Commission. Mr. Cédilot has known about the rot going back 25 years, and cannot believe any long-time councillor who still haunts city hall could have not noticed it.

“It’s become a culture that needs to be wiped out,” Mr. Cédilot said. “We need an entirely new generation of politicians if we’re really going to change anything. In Laval, too.”

Even since the departure of Mr. Tremblay and the resignation of the mayor of Laval, Gilles Vaillancourt, Mr. Cédilot and other city watchers have noted a remarkable inability to change among civic leaders in and around Montreal.

In Laval, the interim administration is coaching city staff on how to answer questions from investigators in the wake of at least nine raids by police on City Hall and the mayor’s office and home. Montreal’s interim mayor, Michael Applebaum, whose election by city council was noteworthy because he is a rare anglophone in the office, has presided over a city hall that has descended in record time into factionalism, backbiting and halting efforts at transparency.

“Honestly, I’m completely gutted by what I’m seeing, after all we’ve been through,” Mr. Cédilot said. “This is grave corruption, the people are indignant, and they’re still blowing smoke in our eyes.”

For months now, Montrealers have batted around ideas for thwarting corruption, from bureaucratic suggestions such as independent oversight committees to watch municipal official to quixotic legal manoeuvres such as suing mobsters and other fraudsters to try to get the millions back.

Some have suggested abolishing the city’s party system. Rare in Canadian municipal politics, Montreal’s civic parties tend to come and go with mayoral candidates and have more to do with building expensive electoral machines and raising money than joining ideological forces.

Cathy Jackson, a 54-year-old Montreal nurse, said she has become quite cynical about it all and regrets that she and her fellow citizens have failed to get more forcefully involved in how their city is run. Montreal, like many municipalities, has habitually dismal voter turnout.

Even the resignation of the mayor leaves her little hope for change. “It’s a big cleanup we need, and what we get is more smoke and mirrors. I don’t really think anything is going to come out of any of this,” she said. “The leaders have to want to clean up the act here. We’ll see about that. We also need some people to go to jail.”

More than anything, the grassroots has to rise up in the same way the city’s student movement mobilized opposition to tuition hikes and the Charest government, she said. She wishes the student protests had expanded and persisted as a forceful call for change on corruption. “A lot of us are just too busy working and paying taxes,” she said.

Many people underestimate how difficult it will be to loosen the grip of the violent mobsters who are behind much of the exposed rot, Ms. Jackson said. “The reality in the whole mess is that these bad guys are really bad. They do threaten, they do hurt. They know exactly how to do it. They’re thugs with their own set of rules, they’re well entrenched, I’m not sure how a citizen can resist.”

More than anything, Montrealers seem to long for strong and new leadership. Early potential candidates bandied about in the city include the popular and populist federal Liberal Denis Coderre and Gilbert Rozon, the businessman who founded the Just for Laughs comedy festival.

It’s far from clear either man, the former an experienced political operator in the city’s backrooms, the latter an enthusiastic Montreal booster, would ruthlessly wield the heavy shovel required to clean out the mess at Montreal City Hall.

Benoit Gignac, a novelist who worked for former mayor Jean Doré and wrote a biography of his long-serving predecessor, Jean Drapeau, said there is no leader with iron will on the horizon.

“We require a mayor who can strike fear into the hearts of provincial politicians. I don’t see anyone who has the weight to do it, but any new blood will help,” Mr. Gignac said.

Even if there was, there’s no guarantee the new mayor will have his eye on the right priorities, he added.

Mr. Drapeau’s decades in office are a handy lesson. Mr. Drapeau was indeed an imposing character when he began his second term in 1960, but he spent much of his political capital building baubles and trying to make Montreal a player on the international stage. The 1976 Olympics and Expo 67 were on his watch. By the time he left in 1986, the city’s economy and infrastructure were crumbling away.

“By the time Mr. Drapeau’s strategy started falling apart in the 1980s, we had all these sewer lines rotting away beneath all those sparkling [Expo and Olympic] pavilions,” Mr. Gignac said.

If Montreal gets any respite from the corruption spotlight in 2013, it may be because anti-corruption crusaders have broadened their hunt from city hall to other cities and towns and other government spending. The province’s daycare system and the Hydro-Québec and Plan Nord economic development projects are all on the radar. “It’s everywhere in Quebec,” said Robert Lafrenière, head of the anti-corruption squad, in an interview. “We will be looking for new stratagems organized crime is using, including by moving out into other regions, and not just in construction.”

Shared misery makes for scant consolation. But when Mr. Gignac examines the coming years in Montreal, he’s far more optimistic than many city watchers. He said corruption is a cyclical problem of governance in a city where most citizens are getting on with work and taking advantage of the city’s vibrancy.

“For the average citizen, the city is not going so badly. And what problems there are have more to do with economy, infrastructure and transportation,” he said, pointing to major projects to overhaul a freeway and build a new major bridge and new hospitals that are nearly complete.

One of the two major hospital projects, the McGill University Health Centre, is under investigation by the province’s anti-corruption unit. But when complete, the city will still have a shiny new hospital, Mr. Gignac pointed out.

Infrastructure, Mr. Gignac insists, remains a far greater problem in Montreal than corruption. “A series of major public works will take us through 2020, and when we get there we will have an extraordinary city.”

Picture source: Montrealgazetta.com

Canadian O&G Cos Risk Greater Bribery Exposure with Global Investment

by  Karen Boman Rigzone Staff Wednesday, December 26, 2012

Canadian oil and gas companies face exposure to bribery and corruption as they increase investment in emerging markets that include Brazil, India, Russia and China (BRIC) at a time when they face more stringent enforcement of anti-bribery regulations at home and worldwide.

Canadian oil, gas and extractive companies are facing increased pressure to ensure their operations at home in Canada and abroad from two sources, Toby Duthie, partner and head of global consulting firm Forensic Risk Alliance (FRA) UK, told Rigzone in a recent interview.

One source is the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), which has been critical of Canadian companies for their efforts to stamp out bribery and corruption within their operations. In fact, the OECD gave Canada a "fail" grade in the OECD Phase three report published in March 2011.

The other source is the Royal Canadian Mounted Police – the equivalent of the Department of Justice (DOJ) or the Federal Bureau of investigation in the United States – which is beginning to pursue bribery and corruption cases more aggressively than they have in the past since the OECD Phase three report was released.

The increase in investigations in Canada is being carried out under the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act (CFPOA), which became law in 1999. CFPOA was created by Canada in response to the OECD Convention which Canada and other OECD member states signed in 1997 to fight bribery of foreign public officials. Enforcement of the law increased in 2007, after Canada signed the United Nations Convention Against Corruption. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police also formed two special teams to focus on cases ofCanadian companies making illicit payments abroad, The Globe and Mail reported last month.

In 2011, Canadian oil and gas firm Niko Resources pled guilty to bribery charges under Canada's Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act (CFPOA). The company was fined $9.5 million for bribing a Bangladeshi government official. The investigation into Niko marked the first major prosecution under the CFPOA by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, The Global and Mail reported.

At the same time, Canadian oil and gas companies also must contend with the U.S.'s Foreign Corrupt Practices Act or the UK's recently enacted Bribery Act. The Swiss and German governments are also stepping up their enforcement of anti-bribery and anti-corruption laws. These efforts are being encouraged by the U.S. DOJ, said Duthie.

The Dodd-Frank Act passed earlier this year in the United States, which requires oil and gas and extractive industry companies to disclose all payments made to governments, also is part of the international initiative to increase transparency in financial dealings as a means of fighting corruption.

The increased investment by Canadian companies into BRIC countries and emerging markets in Southeast Asia and Sub-Sahara Africa, which are home to significant natural resources, also is driving Canadian companies to strengthen their compliance to mitigate the risk of business interruption and reputational damage arising from corruption events, said FRA COO Maggie Deacon in an Oct. 31 presentation in Vancouver, Canada, on anti-corruption for the mining sector.

New technology and oil prices are making projects economically viable in countries that have not traditionally been provinces for oil and gas operations. No oil industry existed in regions such as East Africa a decade ago, but the region's deepwater assets is drawing industry here, Duthie noted. But these opportunities in emerging markets, including BRIC countries, also open up companies to risk.

Fighting corruption in operations overseas can be cumbersome. And in some cases, such as with custom clearance agencies, companies are not bribing customs officials for profit but just as part of the everyday routine of doing business, Duthie said. But companies must address these issues in order to avoid exposure.

Canadian extractive companies that operate in BRIC countries are vulnerable to enforcement due to the higher corruption perception index in the markets in which they operate; exposure to inadvertent infringements of the law through joint venture partners, customs clearance through which bribery and corruption are rife, and use of agents in business dealings, according to the findings of a series of roundtable discussions in Canada on effective risk assessment due diligence and audits for mining companies operating in foreign jurisdictions.

The real cost of a bribery investigation is higher than actual penalties levied, including a drop in stock price and liability associated with class action suits, distraction from core business, loss of investor financing, resource costs and professional fees associated with responding to allegations, and negative publicity that results in a decrease in the company's brand value, according to the findings of recent roundtable discussions.

Additionally, agreements such as bilateral investment Treaties can become null and void as a result of bribery to secure contracts, leaving exposed companies with little recourse in the event that a concession is wrongfully taken away.

Oil majors and service companies, who often carry out projects through joint ventures, are increasingly worried they will be exposed to risk of prosecution due to vendors or joint venture parties, Duthie commented. FRA is seeing challenges for energy-related companies operating in Brazil and other BRIC countries, such as offshore drillers getting their drilling rigs through customers without paying bribes.

Russia offers a very challenging environment in terms of bribery and corruption not only in the public but the private sector, Duthie noted. But there is also a growing sense that if you want to pursue opportunities with multi-national companies, then a company needs to have an anti-bribery and anti-corruption program in place. Corruption also has been an issue in China, but protests by the middle class against corruption within the government have occurred in recent times.

However, Canadian companies are taking a more pro-active approach to addressing bribery issues, including an increased focus on managing third-party relationships through audits, Deacon said. Anti-bribery audits are used as part of a top-down and bottom-up approach in a balanced compliance program. Key business risk areas for corruption include the tendering process for project, vendors, mergers and acquisitions and joint ventures, taxes/customs, regulatory, financial controls and government support.

"From our hands-on experience we can reveal that companies who carry out an anti-bribery audit proactively, rather than in response to an inquiry from a regulatory authority, will win out because they can minimize their exposure to business costs and punitive fines," said Deacon in a statement.
When conducting an anti-bribery audit, companies should look at accounting areas, such as control over funds, payment procurement, accounting records, sales and marketing, cost accounting, receivables management, technology controls, and tendering and contracts, Deacon said.

"We have seen a clear trend that Canadian companies are waking up to the reality of their vulnerability when operating in emerging markets and that extractive sector companies are being proactive in the sense that they are taking action to minimize their exposure to risk now, rather than taking a 'wait and see' approach'," Deacon commented.

According to the OECD's March 2011 Phase three report on Canada's implementation and enforcement of the 1997 Convention – in which the OECD concluded that Canada's legislative and institutional framework remains problematic for enforcing anti-bribery laws -- Canadian mining companies had invested over $60 million in developing countries, including approximately $41 billion in Latin America and Mexico and nearly $15 billion in Africa. In 2008, 1,293 companies, or 75 percent of the world's exploration and mining companies, were headquartered in Canada.

However, Transparency International, in its September 2012 progress report, Exporting Corruption? Country Enforcement of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, that Canada has moved up to the moderate enforcement category, a positive change from the organization's 2011 progress report where no countries moved to a higher category. But the organization reported that the overall level of enforcement remains inadequate, with only seven countries having attained Active Enforcement status. This number has not changed since 2009.

"Governments need to integrate anti-corruption actions into all aspects of decision making," according to Transparency International's website. "They must prioritize better rules on lobbying and political financial, make public spending and contracting more transparent, and make public bodies more accountable."

The group noted that corruption destroys lives and communities and undermines companies and institutions. "It generates popular anger that threatens to further destabilize societies and exacerbate violent conflicts," Transparency International noted.

In the United States, measures that require more transparency in money paid to foreign governments for projects have not been well received by some in the oil and gas industry. The American Petroleum Institute filed suit against the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission over the Dodd-Frank Act, Dow Jones Newswires reported in October. API argued that the measure would hurt the competitiveness of the oil and gas industry overseas.

In Duthie's views, however, legislation such as the Dodd-Frank Act in the United States that are driving transparency as a means of fighting corruption will be the new world order. While Duthie sympathizes with oil and gas companies' argument that too much transparency can hurt their business, the industry would be better off collaborating and lobbying for clarity, noting that it will become harder for those companies and countries who are resisting Dodd-Frank and the Extractive industries Transparency Initiative.